The Backstory of the Great Reset, or How to Destroy Classical Liberalism

The truly great Reset usually is presented as the reestablishment of democratic social principles

As should become clear by now, Francis Fukuyama’s declaration in  The End of History: The Last Man   (1992) that we had arrived at “ the end of history” failed to mean that classical liberalism, or laissez-faire economics, had surfaced victorious over communism and fascism, or that the last ideological hegemony signaled the final of socialism.

In fact , just for Fukuyama, the terminus of history was always democratic socialism or social democracy.

As Hans-Hermann Hoppe noted in  Democracy: The The almighty That Failed , “ the Last Man” standing was not a capitalist homo economicus but rather a “ homo socio-democraticus ” (222).

The end of history, using its Hegelian pretenses, failed to entail the defeat associated with socialism-communism but rather of traditional liberalism.

Evidently, the big state plus big capital were supposed to have reached an inevitable and final dé tente. The fantastic Reset is the consummation of this final dé tente.

The elite subversion of the free-market system plus republican democracy had recently been underway for many decades just before “ the end of history. ”

Based on Cleon W. Skousen in  The Naked Capitalist , elites positioned within major banks, large corporations, leading believe tanks, influential publishing companies, the media, tax-exempt foundations, the educational system, and the US government sought to remake the US in the picture of its (former) collectivist archrival since at least the early 1930s (57-68).

As Carrol Quigley noted in  Disaster and Hope: A History from the World in Our Time   (1966), elites propagated socialist, communist, as well as other collectivist ideologies at home, whilst funding and arming the particular Bolsheviks in Russia as well as the communists in Vietnam plus promoting international policies that will led to the deliberate abandonment of eastern Europe and Southeast Asia to the communist scourge.

For several, the goal of advancing socialism continues to be most evident in the impulsiveness with which the institutions of higher education have absorbed plus circulated Marxist, neo-Marxist, plus post-Marxist collectivist ideologies within their various guises at least since the early 1930s— including Soviet propaganda, critical theory, postmodern theory, and the most recent variants, critical race theory, critical whiteness studies, and LGBTQIA+ ideology.

The dreaded “ long march through the organizations ” was never ever a bottom-up, grassroots task. Rather, it was an inside work undertaken by elites within positions of power and influence.

When the philosophers, sociologists, and psychologists of the Frankfurt school of critical theory emigrated to the US in 1933— armed with the Marxist theory of revolution and Antonio Gramsci’s model for socialist cultural hegemony— they barely inaugurated this march.

Rather, these were welcomed by elites and  funded   by tax-exempt foundations in whose work was already well underway. 1   The so-called long 03 through the institutions was a stampede within them.

To understand the Great Reset, then, we must recognize that the task represents the completion of the centuries-long and ongoing make an effort to destroy classical liberalism (the free market, free speech, and liberal democracy), American constitutionalism, and national sovereignty.

The idea of resetting capitalism suggests that capitalism had previously been natural.

But the Great Reset is the culmination of a much longer collectivization procedure and democratic socialist task, with their corresponding growth of the state.

Despite being pitched as the antidote to the supposed weaknesses of the free market, which usually World Economic Forum founder and chairman Klaus Schwab and company equate with “ neoliberalism, ” the fantastic Reset is meant to intensify and complete an already prevalent economic interventionism, and to make use of US-led military power to finish this process where economic treatment proves unsuccessful.

This explains, in part, the West’s arming and funding of Ukraine towards its Russian attacker.

I do not indicate to suggest that the Great Reset’s global neo-Marxist economics, and its particular international rather than national financial fascism, are not new.

They are new, as are the  means   by which they are to be brought about. But we have to not be so confused about think that the Great Reset project was born  abdominal nihilo — it is the culmination of decades of elite thinking and activism.

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